Read Online (Free) relies on page scans, which are not currently available to screen readers. To access this article, please contact JSTOR User Support . We'll provide a PDF copy for your screen reader. With a personal account, you can read up to 100 articles each month for free. Show
Already have an account? Log in Monthly Plan
Yearly Plan
Log in through your institution journal article Social OrganizationBiennial Review of Anthropology Vol. 3 (1963) , pp. 178-227 (50 pages) Published By: Eve Linda Siegel https://www.jstor.org/stable/2949174 Read and download Log in through your school or library Alternate access options For independent researchers Read Online Read 100 articles/month free Subscribe to JPASS Unlimited reading + 10 downloads Rights & Usage This item is part of a JSTOR Collection.
\( \newcommand{\vecs}[1]{\overset { \scriptstyle \rightharpoonup} {\mathbf{#1}} } \) \( \newcommand{\vecd}[1]{\overset{-\!-\!\rightharpoonup}{\vphantom{a}\smash {#1}}} \)\(\newcommand{\id}{\mathrm{id}}\) \( \newcommand{\Span}{\mathrm{span}}\) \( \newcommand{\kernel}{\mathrm{null}\,}\) \( \newcommand{\range}{\mathrm{range}\,}\) \( \newcommand{\RealPart}{\mathrm{Re}}\) \( \newcommand{\ImaginaryPart}{\mathrm{Im}}\) \( \newcommand{\Argument}{\mathrm{Arg}}\) \( \newcommand{\norm}[1]{\| #1 \|}\) \( \newcommand{\inner}[2]{\langle #1, #2 \rangle}\) \( \newcommand{\Span}{\mathrm{span}}\) \(\newcommand{\id}{\mathrm{id}}\) \( \newcommand{\Span}{\mathrm{span}}\) \( \newcommand{\kernel}{\mathrm{null}\,}\) \( \newcommand{\range}{\mathrm{range}\,}\) \( \newcommand{\RealPart}{\mathrm{Re}}\) \( \newcommand{\ImaginaryPart}{\mathrm{Im}}\) \( \newcommand{\Argument}{\mathrm{Arg}}\) \( \newcommand{\norm}[1]{\| #1 \|}\) \( \newcommand{\inner}[2]{\langle #1, #2 \rangle}\) \( \newcommand{\Span}{\mathrm{span}}\)\(\newcommand{\AA}{\unicode[.8,0]{x212B}}\) In this section, we will look at kinship patterns. These patterns determine how we connect with others through descent and marriage. It is a basic system of social organization. Kin that are related to us through descent (parent to child) are called consanguine or blood relatives. Anthropologists oftentimes discuss how many links there are between individuals. For instance, between a father and a daughter there is one link in the chain of familial connections. Between that daughter and her sibling there are two links, one to the parent and one to the sibling. If that sibling had a child then there would be three links between the daughter mentioned in the first example: one to the parent, one to the sibling and one to the niece or nephew. Kin that are related through marriage are called affine. In the United States, we refer to affine as in-laws. Figure \(\PageIndex{1}\) - Family reunion Kinship DiagramsAnthropologists draw kinship diagrams to illustrate relationships. Kinship diagrams allow cultural anthropologists to quickly sketch out relationships between people during the interview process. It also provides a means to visually present a culture’s kinship pattern without resorting to names, which can be confusing, and allows for anonymity for the people. There are some basic symbols that are used in kinship diagrams. One set of symbols is used to represent people. The other set is used to represent relationships or connections between people. In the diagram below, a circle represents a female, a triangle a male, and a square represents a person self-identified as neither sex or both sexes. Figure \(\PageIndex{2}\) - Graphic of basic symbols use in kinship diagrams To indicate that a person is deceased, a line is placed through the symbol. Figure \(\PageIndex{3}\) - Deceased kinship symbols Other kinship symbols indicate relationships. Figure \(\PageIndex{4}\) - Decent kinship symbols Some anthropologists develop their own kinship symbols. This is an accepted practice as long as a key or description of the symbol is provided. One individual, usually the informant, is designated as the starting point for the kinship diagram. This person is identified as EGO on the diagram. Figure \(\PageIndex{5}\) - Ego kinship symbols Descent RulesCultural recognition of children as kin of one or both parents is basis for the descent concept. Some societies trace through both parents (e.g., Canada and the United States). Other societies trace descent through only one of the parent's family line. There are two basic descent systems: corporate and cognatic. Cognatic descent is also referred to as non-unilineal descent and there are two types of cognatic descent: bilateral and ambilineal. Anthropological data suggests that cognatic descent arose in cultures where warfare is uncommon and there is a political organization that can organize and fight on behalf of the members. In bilateral systems, children are equally descended through both parents. People from both sides of the family are considered relatives. This is the form of descent practiced in the United States. Figure \(\PageIndex{6}\) - Bilateral kinship symbols Ambilineal systems require children to choose either the mother or father's side of the family to be reckoned relatives. Some Native American tribes use the ambilineal system. In the illustration below, if EGO chooses the father’s side of the family, then everyone marked in blue would be considered kin. If EGO chooses the mother’s side, then everyone marked in orange would be considered family Figure \(\PageIndex{7}\) - Ambilineal kinship symbols In corporate descent cultures only one family line is recognized as kin. The group typically owns property together. When family is reckoned along the father’s line the group is patrilineal. Figure \(\PageIndex{8}\) - Patrilineal kinship symbols When family is reckoned along the mother’s line the group is matrilineal. Keep in mind that this is at the cultural level. Individuals in a culture may think of other people as kin even though they are not formally recognized by the culture itself. Figure \(\PageIndex{9}\) - Matrilineal kinship symbols Descent GroupsIn all societies there are social groups whose membership is based on descent; members share a common ancestor or living relative. Descent groups help to define the pool of potential mates, the group of people who are obligated to help in economic and political issues, and may even dictate which religion is followed, particularly in unilineal descent groups. Unilineal Descent Groups
Non-Unilineal Descent GroupsThere is only one type of non-unilineal descent group, the kindred. Kindreds count all individuals from each parent as relatives. This kind of descent group is usually seen where small family groups are more adaptive than large ones and individual mobility is high, e.g., industrial societies. Often, kindreds fall apart when the unifying individual dies. Kinship Terminology"Cross-cultural comparisons of categories of kin terms (words used to identify relatives) can sometimes reveal basic similarities and differences in worldview and experience" (Bonvillain 2010: 201). Terminology systems take a myriad of things into account (although they may not take all of these things into account):
Terminology SystemsWhile the actual form of the words vary from culture to culture, anthropologists have identified only six terminology systems. The Hawaiian System. This system is the simplest in that it has the fewest terms. The key distinctions are generation and gender. For example, all the males of the biological father's generation are called father, while all the females are called mother. The Hawaiian system is common where nuclear families are dependent on other kin; the system emphasizes cohesion of the extended family. It is common among Pacific Island peoples. Figure \(\PageIndex{10}\) - The Hawaiian System The Eskimo System. The nuclear family is emphasized in this system. Relatives outside of the nuclear family are distinguished by gender. Terms like mother, father, sister, and brother not used for relatives outside of the nuclear family. On the other hand, terms for aunt, uncle, cousin, grandfather and grandmother are used for both sides of family. The Eskimo system is associated with societies where nuclear family is economically independent. Figure \(\PageIndex{11}\) - The Eskimo System The Omaha System. In this system, terms create a contrast between paternal and maternal relatives. It is found in patrilineal societies and has a small number of terms to refer to many different kin. On the father's side of the family, members are groups by sex and generation. On the mother's side of the family, members are lumped by sex only; there are no generational distinctions. Figure \(\PageIndex{12}\) - The Omaha System The Crow System. This system is the flip side of the Omaha system. It is associated with matrilineal societies. In this system, relatives on the mother's side of the family are lumped by sex and generation, while on the father's side, people are categorized by sex only. Figure \(\PageIndex{13}\) - The Crow System The Iroquois System. The Iroquois system, found only in matrilineal societies, has different terms for maternal and paternal relatives based on sex and generation. It makes distinctions between parental siblings of opposite sexes. What this means is that any sisters the mother has are also called mother and any brothers of the father are called father. However, brothers of the mother are called uncle and sisters of the father are called aunt. Offspring of the mother's sister or father's brother are consider siblings, while children of the parents' siblings of the opposite sex are called cousin. Figure \(\PageIndex{14}\) - The Iroquois System The Sudanese System. This is the largest terminology system. It has a descriptive term for each relative. There are nuclear family terms as well as terms for both maternal and paternal uncles, aunts, and cousins. This type of system is used in cultures that have both class stratification and occupational specialization along with political complexity (Ember and Ember 2011). Figure \(\PageIndex{15}\) - The Sudanese System Some anthropologists recognize fictive kin (Bonvillain 2010), or people who are not relatives by descent or marriage. This type of kin may include adopted relatives, ceremonial relatives such as godparents and occupational brotherhoods and sisterhoods. References
When a society is divided into two large descent groups each group is called?moiety system, also called dual organization, form of social organization characterized by the division of society into two complementary parts called “moieties.” Most often, moieties are groups that are exogamous, or outmarrying, that are of unilineal descent (tracing ancestry through either the male or female line, ...
Which form of descent would you expect in a society in which the matrilineal and patrilineal groups both own productive resources?And, on the mother's side, her brothers' children are excluded since they take their matrilineal membership from their mother. Some societies have both matrilineal groups and patrilineal groups. Such societies are referred to as having double descent.
What is fraternal polygamy?Fraternal polyandry (from the Latin frater—brother), also called adelphic polyandry (from the Greek ἀδελφός—brother), is a form of polyandry in which a woman is married to two or more men who are brothers.
What is it called when there are three or more generations of blood relatives living in a single household or compound?Another traditional form of family is the joint family, in which three or more generations of blood relatives live in a single household or compound. Joint families often include cousins, aunts and uncles, and other relatives from the extended family.
|