Recent studies on the effect of genetic relatedness on helping behavior have demonstrated that

Recent studies on the effect of genetic relatedness on helping behavior have demonstrated that

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  • Recent studies on the effect of genetic relatedness on helping behavior have demonstrated that
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Recent studies on the effect of genetic relatedness on helping behavior have demonstrated that

Recent studies on the effect of genetic relatedness on helping behavior have demonstrated that

Abstract

For the same reason that fathers could not have been certain their mates’ offspring were their genetic progeny during human evolutionary history, full siblings could not have been certain that they shared paternal genes. Previous kin recognition research suggests facial resemblance is a cue men use to help solve the adaptive problem of paternity uncertainty and identify their biological offspring. Facial resemblance may also be a cue individuals use to identify siblings who share paternal genes. In the current study, facial resemblance between siblings was hypothesized to be positively associated with their emotional closeness and altruism, and inversely related with their frequency of conflict. Within families, individuals reported greater closeness and altruism toward siblings who more closely resembled them. In contrast with previous offspring recognition research, the effects of resemblance were not sex-differentiated, suggesting that facial resemblance is a cue both sexes use in sibling recognition.

Highlights

► I test how resemblance predicts individual differences in sibling relationships. ► Facial resemblance predicted greater closeness and altruism between siblings. ► An interaction between sibling recognition cues predicted sibling conflict. ► Reconciling previous findings, resemblance effects were not sex-differentiated.

Introduction

Siblings, whose relationship can endure longer than any other human tie (Mancini & Maxwell, 1990), play an integral role in each other’s social, cognitive, and psychosocial development (Brody, 1998). Some siblings sacrifice their own interests to come to one another’s aid, but sibling relationships can also be characterized by strife, conflict, and aggression. In spite of wide variation in sibling relationship quality, little research has explored the factors governing this variation. An evolutionary psychological perspective may help us understand individual differences in sibling relationship quality.

Altruistic behavior toward kin can evolve when the benefit to the recipient, multiplied by the recipient’s genetic relatedness to the actor, exceeds the costs to the actor (Hamilton, 1964). The ability to recognize and discriminate among kin of differing degrees of relatedness enables individuals to adaptively modify their sexual (DeBruine, 2004a, Fessler and Navarrete, 2004, Lieberman et al., 2003, Lieberman et al., 2007), parental (Alvergne et al., 2009, Alvergne et al., 2010, Burch and Gallup, 2000, Platek et al., 2002), and social behaviors (DeBruine, 2002, DeBruine, 2004b).

Recent research suggests that kin recognition influences sibling relationship quality. Lieberman et al., 2003, Lieberman et al., 2007 identified two cues that predict altruistic behavior between siblings: maternal perinatal association (MPA) – the observation of a neonate nursing from one’s own mother, and coresidence – the duration of sibling cohabitation. For siblings, maternal association cues such as MPA and coresidence would have represented reliable indicators of shared maternal ancestry because ancestral women were certain of the maternity of their offspring. The adaptive problem of identifying full siblings, however, would have required recognizing siblings who shared the same mother and biological father.

Recognizing siblings of common paternal ancestry would have required recognition cues other than MPA and coresidence because MPA and coresidence would not have reliably indicated sharing paternal genes. Anthropological data from traditional societies indicate that women commonly have children with multiple men through extramarital affairs or serial marriages (Hill & Hurtado, 1996). As a consequence, successive children of the same woman may have been just as likely to be maternal half siblings as full siblings in ancestral conditions (Daly, Salmon, & Wilson, 1997). Distinguishing between full and maternal half siblings would thus have been a recurrent selection pressure during human evolution. Full siblings are twice as likely as half siblings to share specific genes, a difference in genetic relatedness equal to the total relatedness between grandparents and grandchildren (Michalski & Shackelford, 2005). Individuals able to discriminate between their full and half siblings, compared to individuals unable to make this distinction, could have preferentially directed altruistic acts toward individuals who were twice as likely to share specific genes with them, giving them a selective advantage in the propagation of their own genes into future generations (Hamilton, 1964). Due to paternity uncertainty and cuckoldry, however, paternal association cues between one’s putative father and one’s putative sibling would have been fallible indicators of shared paternal ancestry. Other cues to relatedness should thus be involved in the recognition of siblings of common paternal ancestry.

Previous kin recognition research suggests men use facial resemblance as a cue to offspring recognition but women do not, reflecting that men, but not women, faced the problem of paternity uncertainty (Alvergne et al., 2010, Platek et al., 2002, Platek et al., 2005, but see DeBruine, 2004b, Bressan et al., 2009). Nonetheless, some men would have been cuckolded and unwittingly invested in children that were not their own offspring (Cerda-Flores, Barton, Marty-Gonzalez, Rivas, & Chakraborty, 1999). The adaptive problem of paternity uncertainty would thus have cascaded down into the next generation, resulting in “sibling uncertainty” — the adaptive problem of not knowing which allegedly “full” siblings share paternal genes with oneself. If facial resemblance helps solve the adaptive problem of paternity uncertainty, it may also help solve the related problem of sibling uncertainty.

Previous research provides evidence that humans use facial resemblance as a kin recognition cue. Supporting the hypothesis that resemblance matters more to men due to paternity uncertainty, men’s investment in their offspring varies as a function of their resemblance to them (Apicella & Marlowe, 2004), and individuals’ self-reported solicitude toward children positively correlates with the children’s resemblance to them, an effect stronger among men than women (Platek et al., 2002, Platek et al., 2005). Parent–child facial resemblance also predicts fathers’, but not mothers’, emotional closeness to their children (Alvergne et al., 2010). Functional magnetic resonance imaging (fMRI) data provide convergent evidence for a sex difference in resemblance effects; men show greater cortical activity than women in response to self-resembling children’s faces (Platek et al., 2005, Platek et al., 2004). However, multiple studies have not found greater resemblance effects among men than women. DeBruine, 2002, DeBruine, 2004b, DeBruine, 2005 found that resemblance influenced men and women equally, and Bressan and colleagues (2009) found that resemblance influenced women’s, but not men’s, hypothetical investment in children.

The different contexts in which previous studies investigated resemblance effects may account for this apparent inconsistency. Platek et al., 2002, Platek et al., 2005 examined prosocial behavior toward children. Because of paternity uncertainty, facial resemblance would be expected to have a greater effect on men’s than women’s parental investment. DeBruine, 2002, DeBruine, 2004a, DeBruine, 2005, on the other hand, assessed prosocial behavior toward peer-aged individuals. The adaptive problem of uncertainty of relatedness to non-descendant kin is identical for men and women – men and women may both use facial resemblance as a sibling recognition cue (Bressan et al., 2009, DeBruine et al., 2008). Previous studies also used artificially generated face morphs, making it impossible to know whether descendant or collateral kin recognition mechanisms were activated, and leaving the effect of resemblance on actual kin relationships, including those between siblings, unknown.

The current study examined the relationship between siblings’ facial resemblance and their emotional closeness, altruism, and conflict. College undergraduates who reported having one or more full biological siblings were recruited to participate in the study. Participants electronically submitted photographs of their siblings and had their photograph taken by researchers prior to completing a questionnaire assessing their closeness, altruism, and conflict with their siblings. Both self-reported and independent ratings of resemblance were obtained to avoid the potential confound that participants could report looking similar to some siblings because they were emotionally closer to them (Volk, Darrell-Cheng, & Marini, 2010).

I predicted participants would report greater closeness and altruism and lower levels of conflict with siblings of greater resemblance to them. In contrast with offspring recognition, I predicted resemblance effects would not be greater for men because men and women alike faced the adaptive problem of sibling uncertainty.

Section snippets

Participants

Participants were 85 undergraduates (20 men, 65 women; mean age 19.0 ± 1.8 yr) enrolled in an introductory psychology course at The University of Texas. To be eligible, participants were required to have at least one putative full biological sibling. Participants reported having from 1 to 3 full siblings (mean 1.29 ± 0.63). These siblings (112 total; 46 men, 66 women) ranged in age from 1 to 29 (mean age 19.1 ± 5.0 yr). A separate sample of 56 undergraduates enrolled in an introductory psychology

Statistical analysis

To prevent extreme scores on single items and between-item differences in variance from skewing scores for the closeness, altruism, and conflict scales, composite scores were generated by standardizing each scale’s respective items and computing the mean of these values. All three scales showed good reliability (all αs > .81). High inter-rater reliability was confirmed for the third party raters of resemblance (ICC > .90).

Testing study hypotheses required hierarchical linear modeling (HLM), as the

Discussion

Within families, siblings of greater resemblance reported greater emotional closeness and altruism than siblings of lesser resemblance. Individuals were more likely to view their siblings of greater resemblance as valuable social partners, share private information with them, and experience greater feelings of closeness, a proximate motivator of helping behaviors predicted by actual genetic relatedness (Korchmaros & Kenny, 2001). Individuals more frequently sacrificed their own time and

Acknowledgments

The author wishes to thank David Buss, Jaime Confer, Daniel Conroy-Beam, Judith Easton, Cari Goetz, Carin Perilloux, and Laith Al-Shawaf for their feedback on previous drafts of this paper. The author also extends special thanks to Greg Hixon for statistical advice and to Allegra Kaough for assistance in preparing this manuscript.

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  • Cues to paternity: Do partner fidelity and offspring resemblance predict daughter-directed sexual aversions?

    2018, Evolution and Human Behavior

    Evolutionary researchers have long bemoaned the lack of a standard, validated instrument for assessing target-specific altruism—Lewis's (2011) complaint in his study of sibling detection is typical. Like Lewis, we have followed other researchers in compiling a composite of various items based on questions used in prior studies—e.g., Lieberman et al., 2007; Stewart-Williams, 2007; Lewis, 2011; Sznycer et al., 2016—but that have not been rigorously validated. As Lewis observed more than five years ago, kin detection researchers, along with other investigators of altruism in humans, would greatly benefit from one or more standardized measures, as well as the use of behavioral methods (e.g., the pain endurance paradigm used by Madsen et al., 2007).

  • The effect of perceived facial resemblance on parent-child relationship

    2017, Personality and Individual Differences

    Split–half reliability was 0.79 (father–child relationship subscale) and 0.87 (mother–child relationship subscales). With reference to the measure of perceived parent–children facial resemblance (Yu et al., 2016; Lewis, 2011), a self–made Perceived Parent–Children Facial Resemblance Scale was used to measure participants' facial resemblance between parents and children. Three items were included in this scale.

  • Facial resemblance between women's partners and brothers

    2017, Evolution and Human Behavior

    For much of human history, a preference for partners who demonstrated subtle resemblances to close family members might have supported the selection of a reproductive partner who was neither too closely nor too distantly related. Facial cues to kinship play a role in sexual, parental and social behaviours (Lewis, 2011; Park et al., 2008). People are more likely to trust and invest in those whose familiar facial appearance indicates possible family membership (DeBruine, 2005; Platek, Burch, Panyavin, Wasserman, & Gallup, 2002).

  • Evolved individual differences: Advancing a condition-dependent model of personality

    2015, Personality and Individual Differences

    Lieberman and colleagues postulate that psychological adaptations to identify and direct altruism toward kin are designed to take as input cues recurrently linked to genetic relatedness in ancestral environments (Lieberman, Tooby, & Cosmides, 2003, 2007). This kinship-estimating mechanism takes multiple cues (e.g., observing a newborn nursing from one’s own mother, Lieberman et al., 2003, 2007; facial resemblance, Lewis, 2011) as input; hierarchically treats them according to (a) their ancestral predictive validity (i.e., their correlations with actual genetic relatedness) and (b) the presence or absence of more valid cues; and calibrates the outputs of kin-directed altruism and anti-incestuous sentiment according to this interaction of cues (Lewis, 2011; Lieberman et al., 2003, 2007). Generalizing these conjectures, selection would have favored mechanisms that were designed to (i) take multiple cues as input, (ii) hierarchically treat those cues, prioritizing those that would have greater predictive validity, and (iii) produce emotional and behavioral solutions to the adaptive problem indicated by available cues.

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What is an example of the importance of genetic relatedness and helping?

Field studies have provided some evidence for the existence of kin altruism, showing, for example, that genetic relatedness influences resource distribution: For example, when fishermen divide their catch they give a bigger share to close relatives than to others (see Burnstein 2005 for more examples).

How does inclusive fitness relate to family and kinship?

According to the theory of inclusive fitness, family helping behavior developed as a way of promoting the indirect replication of a kin altruism gene through the survival and reproduction of related others (who are presumed to also be carrying the gene).

What is the adaptive value of distinguishing between different kin members in terms of their social rank?

What is the adaptive value of distinguishing between different kin members in terms of their social rank? It allows us to identify those who are more capable of giving altruism and those who are more likely in need of altruism.