Get help with access
Institutional access
Access to content on Oxford Academic is often provided through institutional subscriptions and purchases. If you are a member of an institution with an active account, you may be able to access content in one of the following ways:
IP based access
Typically, access is provided across an institutional network to a range of IP addresses. This authentication occurs automatically, and it is not possible to sign out of an IP authenticated account.
Sign in through your institution
Choose this option to get remote access when outside your institution. Shibboleth / Open Athens technology is used to provide single sign-on between your institution’s website and Oxford Academic.
- Click Sign in through your institution.
- Select your institution from the list provided, which will take you to your institution's website to sign in.
- When on the institution site, please use the credentials provided by your institution. Do not use an Oxford Academic personal account.
- Following successful sign in, you will be returned to Oxford Academic.
If your institution is not listed or you cannot sign in to your institution’s website, please contact your librarian or administrator.
Sign in with a library card
Enter your library card number to sign in. If you cannot sign in, please contact your librarian.
Society Members
Society member access to a journal is achieved in one of the following ways:
Sign in through society site
Many societies offer single sign-on between the society website and Oxford Academic. If you see ‘Sign in through society site’ in the sign in pane within a journal:
- Click Sign in through society site.
- When on the society site, please use the credentials provided by that society. Do not use an Oxford Academic personal account.
- Following successful sign in, you will be returned to Oxford Academic.
If you do not have a society account or have forgotten your username or password, please contact your society.
Sign in using a personal account
Some societies use Oxford Academic personal accounts to provide access to their members. See below.
Personal account
A personal account can be used to get email alerts, save searches, purchase content, and activate subscriptions.
Some societies use Oxford Academic personal accounts to provide access to their members.
Viewing your signed in accounts
Click the account icon in the top right to:
- View your signed in personal account and access account management features.
- View the institutional accounts that are providing access.
Signed in but can't access content
Oxford Academic is home to a wide variety of products. The institutional subscription may not cover the content that you are trying to access. If you believe you should have access to that content, please contact your librarian.
Institutional account management
For librarians and administrators, your personal account also provides access to institutional account management. Here you will find options to view and activate subscriptions, manage institutional settings and access options, access usage statistics, and more.
The White Race, the most perfect of the human races, lives mostly in Europe, West Asia, North Africa, and North America. It is characterized by its oval head and rather thin lips. The complexion may vary in color but is generally light.The Yellow Race occupies mostly East Asia, China, and Japan. It is characterized by its high cheekbones and almond- shaped eyes.The Red Race, which once upon a time inhabited all of North and South America, has reddish skin, deeply set eyes, and a long and arched nose.↵ (PPT) The Black Race, which occupies mostly Africa and the southern parts of Oceania, has skin that is very dark, dark brown eyes, and curly hair.
Based on the context of European imperialism in the late nineteenth century, a historian examining the image and its caption would likely explain that they provide evidence of how France sought to
In these parts of West
Africa, France has obtained a few treaties with powerful chiefs, on the basis of which she claims immense regions in the great bend of the Niger River. She also sends French adventurers into a recognized British sphere of influence to make further treaties with native persons who claim to be the rulers or kings of certain regions. The goal of your journey therefore will be to
(a) in places where the French pretend they have made treaties with the native rulers, to obtain a written declaration
from the rulers that such statements are false, and then to make treaties for us;
(b) in places where the French have made no such pretense, to secure treaties accompanied by a short declaration that no previous treaties have been made with any European; . . .
(d) to collect detailed information of every kind about the regions you visit, but especially to make inquiries as to the existence of gold—either gold sands in rivers or gold lodes in rock; . . .
(f) to impress upon all African
chiefs how advantageous it would be for them to have Europeans bringing goods to their country, which can only be done if they sign the treaties; . . .
(h) to note especially carefully the prevalence of gum arabic trees, shea butter trees, and rubber vines* in each region you visit."
Letter from the directors of the British Royal Niger Company to its agent, Captain Frederick Lugard, directing him to travel up the Niger River in West Africa, 1894
*African trees that were used by
Europeans in the production of cosmetics and processed food additives (gum Arabic), soap and candles (Shea butter), and tires and machine transmission belts (rubber)
The rival British and French claims over the Niger River region in the 1890s were most directly a part of which of the following processes?
In these parts of West Africa, France has obtained a few treaties with powerful chiefs, on the basis of which she claims immense regions in the great bend
of the Niger River. She also sends French adventurers into a recognized British sphere of influence to make further treaties with native persons who claim to be the rulers or kings of certain regions. The goal of your journey therefore will be to
(a) in places where the French pretend they have made treaties with the native rulers, to obtain a written declaration from the rulers that such statements are false, and then to make treaties for us;
(b) in places where the French have made no
such pretense, to secure treaties accompanied by a short declaration that no previous treaties have been made with any European; . . .
(d) to collect detailed information of every kind about the regions you visit, but especially to make inquiries as to the existence of gold—either gold sands in rivers or gold lodes in rock; . . .
(f) to impress upon all African chiefs how advantageous it would be for them to have Europeans bringing goods to their country, which can only be done if they
sign the treaties; . . .
(h) to note especially carefully the prevalence of gum arabic trees, shea butter trees, and rubber vines* in each region you visit."
Letter from the directors of the British Royal Niger Company to its agent, Captain Frederick Lugard, directing him to travel up the Niger River in West Africa, 1894
*African trees that were used by Europeans in the production of cosmetics and processed food additives (gum Arabic), soap and candles (Shea butter), and tires and
machine transmission belts (rubber)
The instructions to Lugard in articles (d) and (f) best reflect which of the following regarding the purpose of the board of directors' letter?
In these parts of West Africa, France has obtained a few treaties with powerful chiefs, on the basis of which she claims immense regions in the great bend of the Niger River. She also sends French adventurers into a recognized British sphere of influence to make further treaties
with native persons who claim to be the rulers or kings of certain regions. The goal of your journey therefore will be to
(a) in places where the French pretend they have made treaties with the native rulers, to obtain a written declaration from the rulers that such statements are false, and then to make treaties for us;
(b) in places where the French have made no such pretense, to secure treaties accompanied by a short declaration that no previous treaties have been made with any
European; . . .
(d) to collect detailed information of every kind about the regions you visit, but especially to make inquiries as to the existence of gold—either gold sands in rivers or gold lodes in rock; . . .
(f) to impress upon all African chiefs how advantageous it would be for them to have Europeans bringing goods to their country, which can only be done if they sign the treaties; . . .
(h) to note especially carefully the prevalence of gum arabic trees, shea butter trees, and
rubber vines* in each region you visit."
Letter from the directors of the British Royal Niger Company to its agent, Captain Frederick Lugard, directing him to travel up the Niger River in West Africa, 1894
*African trees that were used by Europeans in the production of cosmetics and processed food additives (gum Arabic), soap and candles (Shea butter), and tires and machine transmission belts (rubber)
Which aspect of the historical situation in West Africa in the 1890s best explains the
board of directors' instructions to Lugard in article (h) of the letter?
"By 1830 an English textile worker was already producing with his mechanical spinning machine 350 to 400 times as much yarn per hour as an Indian craftsman with his traditional spinning wheel. The consequences for Indian textile production were fatal. In 1814 India imported one million meters of English textiles, in 1820 it imported 13 million and in 1890 more than two billion. British
rule in India gave the British manufacturers free rein and made the protection of indigenous producers impossible. It stands to reason that Karl Marx condemned the driving force behind British expansion in India by calling it the 'millocracy' [meaning rule by the owners of textile mills]. . . .
To be sure, the immense productivity of English textile workers from the early nineteenth century on made this branch of British industry superior to all of its former competitors, colonial and
noncolonial alike. But while other countries could shield themselves from this danger by introducing protectionist tariffs, such protection did not exist in the British colonies. So here, in the case of the destruction of Indian textile industry, we see the importance of the colonial situation, namely the colonies' political dependence on the West, in arresting their economic development."
Henk L. Wesseling, Dutch historian of colonial South and Southeast Asia, The European Colonial Empires,
1815-1919, book published in 2003
The economic statistics cited by Wesseling in the first paragraph are most likely intended to illustrate which aspect of the nineteenth-century global context?
"By 1830 an English textile worker was already producing with his mechanical spinning machine 350 to 400 times as much yarn per hour as an Indian craftsman with his traditional spinning wheel. The consequences for Indian textile production were fatal. In 1814 India
imported one million meters of English textiles, in 1820 it imported 13 million and in 1890 more than two billion. British rule in India gave the British manufacturers free rein and made the protection of indigenous producers impossible. It stands to reason that Karl Marx condemned the driving force behind British expansion in India by calling it the 'millocracy' [meaning rule by the owners of textile mills]. . . .
To be sure, the immense productivity of English textile workers from the early
nineteenth century on made this branch of British industry superior to all of its former competitors, colonial and noncolonial alike. But while other countries could shield themselves from this danger by introducing protectionist tariffs, such protection did not exist in the British colonies. So here, in the case of the destruction of Indian textile industry, we see the importance of the colonial situation, namely the colonies' political dependence on the West, in arresting their economic
development."
Henk L. Wesseling, Dutch historian of colonial South and Southeast Asia, The European Colonial Empires, 1815-1919, book published in 2003
Wesseling's argument in the second paragraph best illustrates which of the following important distinctions within the practice of imperialism in the nineteenth century?
"By 1830 an English textile worker was already producing with his mechanical spinning machine 350 to 400 times as much yarn per hour as
an Indian craftsman with his traditional spinning wheel. The consequences for Indian textile production were fatal. In 1814 India imported one million meters of English textiles, in 1820 it imported 13 million and in 1890 more than two billion. British rule in India gave the British manufacturers free rein and made the protection of indigenous producers impossible. It stands to reason that Karl Marx condemned the driving force behind British expansion in India by calling it the 'millocracy'
[meaning rule by the owners of textile mills]. . . .
To be sure, the immense productivity of English textile workers from the early nineteenth century on made this branch of British industry superior to all of its former competitors, colonial and noncolonial alike. But while other countries could shield themselves from this danger by introducing protectionist tariffs, such protection did not exist in the British colonies. So here, in the case of the destruction of Indian textile industry, we
see the importance of the colonial situation, namely the colonies' political dependence on the West, in arresting their economic development."
Henk L. Wesseling, Dutch historian of colonial South and Southeast Asia, The European Colonial Empires, 1815-1919, book published in 2003
Which other process in the mid to late nineteenth century most directly led to situations in which non-Western countries found it very difficult to protect their indigenous industries from Western competition, as
described in the passage?
"By 1830 an English textile worker was already producing with his mechanical spinning machine 350 to 400 times as much yarn per hour as an Indian craftsman with his traditional spinning wheel. The consequences for Indian textile production were fatal. In 1814 India imported one million meters of English textiles, in 1820 it imported 13 million and in 1890 more than two billion. British rule in India gave the British manufacturers
free rein and made the protection of indigenous producers impossible. It stands to reason that Karl Marx condemned the driving force behind British expansion in India by calling it the 'millocracy' [meaning rule by the owners of textile mills]. . . .
To be sure, the immense productivity of English textile workers from the early nineteenth century on made this branch of British industry superior to all of its former competitors, colonial and noncolonial alike. But while other countries could
shield themselves from this danger by introducing protectionist tariffs, such protection did not exist in the British colonies. So here, in the case of the destruction of Indian textile industry, we see the importance of the colonial situation, namely the colonies' political dependence on the West, in arresting their economic development."
Henk L. Wesseling, Dutch historian of colonial South and Southeast Asia, The European Colonial Empires, 1815-1919, book published in 2003
Which of the
following aspects of the Marxist critique of capitalism would be most useful in understanding why the author of the passage chose to invoke Karl Marx's thought in the first paragraph?
"Italians establish everywhere in Argentina the types of businesses in which they are employed in Italy: a pasta factory, a distillery, a sawmill, a lime furnace. Indeed, our compatriots engage in all types of industries and trades. Some are money brokers, some are blacksmiths,
some are jewelers, some build houses, some are mechanics, and some are mill owners. In the rural districts, many people engage in multiple trades. Our immigrants in these areas might at once be a blacksmith and a shoemaker, a cook and a tailor, or a porter and a bricklayer. Our immigrants are willing, gracious, happy, and always trusting in a better future."
Giosuè Notari, Italian ambassador in the city of Córdoba in Argentina, report to the Italian government describing the state of Italian
immigrants in the city and province of Córdoba, 1905
Which of the following best explains why people from nonindustrialized regions constituted the majority of migrants in the nineteenth and early twentieth centuries?
"Italians establish everywhere in Argentina the types of businesses in which they are employed in Italy: a pasta factory, a distillery, a sawmill, a lime furnace. Indeed, our compatriots engage in all types of industries and trades. Some are
money brokers, some are blacksmiths, some are jewelers, some build houses, some are mechanics, and some are mill owners. In the rural districts, many people engage in multiple trades. Our immigrants in these areas might at once be a blacksmith and a shoemaker, a cook and a tailor, or a porter and a bricklayer. Our immigrants are willing, gracious, happy, and always trusting in a better future."
Giosuè Notari, Italian ambassador in the city of Córdoba in Argentina, report to the Italian
government describing the state of Italian immigrants in the city and province of Córdoba, 1905
Which of the following best explains why transoceanic migration increased significantly in the nineteenth and early twentieth centuries?
"Italians establish everywhere in Argentina the types of businesses in which they are employed in Italy: a pasta factory, a distillery, a sawmill, a lime furnace. Indeed, our compatriots engage in all types of industries and
trades. Some are money brokers, some are blacksmiths, some are jewelers, some build houses, some are mechanics, and some are mill owners. In the rural districts, many people engage in multiple trades. Our immigrants in these areas might at once be a blacksmith and a shoemaker, a cook and a tailor, or a porter and a bricklayer. Our immigrants are willing, gracious, happy, and always trusting in a better future."
Giosuè Notari, Italian ambassador in the city of Córdoba in Argentina, report to
the Italian government describing the state of Italian immigrants in the city and province of Córdoba, 1905
Which of the following best explains a difference between European and South Asian migration during the nineteenth and early twentieth centuries?